Chapter eight, “False Promises,” consists of a string of increasingly depressing programs, policies, and promises that have made claims that they can ‘fix’ the American education system only to meet with failure. As Kozol points out, at the heart of every one of these reforms is the assumption that there is something inherently wrong with our education system. I’m not entirely sure that I don’t agree – there are numerous problems that need addressed. One of these problems seems to be the way we go about addressing problems with the system. Reading about all the different strategies that have employed over the last 40 or 50 years, it seems to me that they all have just been variations on a theme – if we buckle down with tougher standards and throw more money at the problem, we can whip the system into shape. Kozol himself seems to fall into the trap of viewing money as a kind of cure-all. While I am not going to argue that equal funding and at least sanitary buildings would not be a step in the right direction, I don’t think money is the silver bullet everyone is looking for.  Forgive me for saying it, but President George W. Bush might have been onto something with increasing qualification requirements for teachers. The idea for improving teachers that is implemented in NCLB is more damaging than helpful, but if there was a way to provide more training and education for teachers, it might go a long way. This has its own set of issues, however – how do you attract people to an already sparse profession where you get little support from the general public, little financial reward, and more work than I honestly care to think of at the moment, while requiring more education of them? In any case, I argue that the responsibility of fixing the situation falls squarely on our shoulders as teachers – it is our job to take what little we are given and still work wonders. This won’t be easy. And a lot of us will burn out. But that’s the job.
Chapter nine seems to promote the idea that a genuine social upheaval of the kind seen in the early days of the civil rights movement is necessary to bring an end to de facto segregation in school systems. I would agree that there need to be more people pushing for this reform – unless someone raises the issue powerfully and in full view of the national consciousness, this could fly under the radar for another 40 or 50 years. The observations made by Gary Orfield at the end of the chapter were wonderful, however. While we have these terrible examples of segregation that can be used to get the attention of society, there are also good examples out there that can be modeled.

Depressing.

…is the first and last word that come to my head after reading these two chapters by Kozol. Honestly, it’s almost enough to make you switch your profession. He explains the history of attempts made by people, schools, and the nation over the last century to fight for change, subsequently followed by an explanation of how these attempts were either derailed, not genuinely enforced, or deliberating falsely analyzed. I am realizing—in their retrospect—that not only is nothing changing, but in fact many situations are becoming more grave. This again, is all very depressing.

The programs that Kozol mentions are all blending in my head into one giant unfulfilled idea. Cities and school districts across the country claim they have the answer, evidenced by their hopeful lingo: “Compensatory Programs,” “Civil Rights Commission,” “Higher Horizon,” “Accelerated Schools,” “What Works” “A nine-year crusade,” “No Child Left Behind”… Of these titles, some are old and some are new; some are familiar, some seem foreign. Have any truly succeeded in what they set out to do? No.

So none of the answers work in the formula. Well, what is the formula? Absent of attempts to rectify, what direction are we heading in? If we removed programs and unnatural structures for schools to fit into, what would remain? If citizens chose their own system, what would it look like?

“Choice, left to itself, will increase stratification.” This quote is wildly important. Its implication is that we as humans, when left to our own devices, will draw to those similar to us in color, socioeconomic status, culture, etc. To force the integration of groups that have magnetized to each other essentially to be working against nature. Of course many times people have very limited choice when they choose a neighborhood or a school, but if the options really were wide open, would a poor, black family thrust their child into a rich, white, suburban neighborhood? Truthfully, probably not. By forcing integration, we are depolarizing people’s natural magnetic direction. The uncomfortable question arises: is it right to force a shifting of class and culture when it is not happening naturally?

As a democratic nation, we are pushing for desegregation. Because we BELIEVE it is the right step. And maybe it is, but yet it isn’t working, so will we ever know? And whose job is it to force this change? Kozol also addresses and debates this responsibility. Politicians? Some think so, many don’t. Riots or revolutions? Maybe, but who would participate? Teachers…?

To become a teacher is to have faith in an idea, to believe that your individual time, effort, and talent can reach into a child’s life and into the educational system and make a positive change. To become a teacher is to hope for something better than already exists; it is a tugging of the mind and spirit that is not quieted by high pay at some business job. Teaching is a profession that draws those without hope for money and prestige, but hope for change and equality. When change and equality do not happen it seems to me that teaching no longer has an appeal.

Clearly, my summary of these chapters has quickly turned into a personal rant, but this dilemma is one that resonates so deeply within me, I cannot possibly stick to analyzing sentences and discussing ideas. The issue is becoming painfully elucidated to me: the evidenced impossibility of bringing equality and opportunity to all people in the educational system is dissolving the spirits of almost all the dedicated, quality teachers making this profession one that is not hopeless but increasingly devalued. If there IS an “answer,” someone needs to figure it out quickly, and if there isn’t, we all need to accept that and shut up.

Because all this talking and complaining isn’t solving anything.

So on the same note I began, I end. Depressing. I am so sorry.

 I was running late today in submitting my post, so I didn’t include any fun information in my introduction .

Chapter 8
Initially, Kozol seems to doubt the successful outcomes of politically motivated programs such as Higher Horizons and Schools of Excellence to improve education. His doubt is soundly based as the research behind the programs’ progress is often manipulated to show a positive outcome, which is clearly not the reality. However, he shouldn’t be surprised that a politically motivated program is being spun into a success story for a candidate to hype. That is the nature of the political machine. Unfortunately, Kozol never seems to find (or more likely doesn’t look for) a program that has achieved some gains in improving educational opportunities for inner city students. It seems hypocritical not to fault him for skewing his own research to promote his personal politics. Although, I happen to agree with him that most of these politically designed programs often throw more money at the problem with little effort going into the actual planning or organization of the proposed idea. It seemed odd for Kozol to incorporate a discussion on eugenics within this chapter, but it is a topic that needs to be discussed. It would seem that notions like eugenics wouldn’t hold sway over public perceptions in the 21st century, but a quick Google search brings up 2,710,000 entries on the subject. Since returning to UT, I have worked on and off (currently off) as a staff writer for The Daily Beacon. Less than a year ago, the news staff was asked to do a story covering the opposing sides of the eugenics debate. There are still plenty of people who buy into the notion that the races are unequal when it comes to a comparison of mental ability, with those having a European background being the gold standard for intelligence. Fortunately, I don’t think our country’s best and brightest support this opinion.

Chapter 9
“He [Gary Orfield] was speaking of strategies to break the back of segregated housing patterns in the suburbs, one of the most impenetrable obstacles to school desegregation; and he was speaking as if he believed that this was actually possible” (224). Finally, Kozol finds someone who is working outside of the school system to make a correction. In my opinion, this is largely a social problem that cannot be fixed by feeble attempts at school integration alone. “A survey revealed that the number of black parents who believed their children’s education had improved under the busing plan exceeded those who took the opposite position by a ratio of six to one” (228). Why were some of the black parents opposed to the busing program? Kozol never provides any insight or answers to this question. Were some families resistant to having their children immersed into “white culture” in public schools? “‘That effort…will be flawed even if it succeeds.’ The 1954 decision…’was not about raising scores’ for children of minorities ‘but about giving black children access to majority culture’” (229). Here, I have to strongly disagree with Richard Rothstein as originally integration was an attempt to create social acceptance between white and black students, but today, it is largely based on raising scores and improving education. The racial and cultural understanding issues have largely been forgotten. There is a clearly an assumption that we all get along, and better teachers and better schools are the sole focus for improving education.

In chapter 8 Kozol touches on something that is so important for us as future teachers, and I don’t know why we aren’t talking about it more in our education classes.  That is “No Child Left Behind” and the idea of accountability.  The chapter starts out discussing programs that are meant to help students in low income schools succeed, and the failure and false promise of those programs.  Declaring their purpose was to “help children who do not live up to their potential” Kozol talks about several programs with catchy names and slogans to suit.  Also discussed is the idea of “authentic heroes” in the school system and principals like Joe Clark who “walk the halls with a bullhorn and a baseball bat”.  The men in this chapter who make real changes in the school systems either resign or are fired, while Joe Clark is some sort of national hero and ends up the subject of a film.  Still, the most interesting part of this chapter has to do with the federal policies about education, the history behind them and the way schools react.  The result is cheating and lying about test scores, such as the school system in
Texas, or holding teachers accountable for the inability of a school to make improvements in test scores deemed appropriate by the president. Also disturbing is the misuse, or lack of use, of funds for education.

In chapter nine Kozol explains that integrating schools by bussing or crossing over districts is happening in Milwaukee, Louisville and
St. Louis and it is successful.  Once children can break through the initial awkward social situations that they experience, they seem to have no problem working together and forming friendships.  Kozol points out that black students who attend an integrated school are more likely to go to college, graduate and have a successful career.  Gary Orfield suggests that the most effective way to tackle the segregation problem is to take it on with the same upheaval and political mayhem as was done during the civil rights movement of the 1960’s.  The most important part of this chapter, in my opinion is that Kozol points out that most parents, community leaders and teachers support integration of schools.  Not only is this beneficial academically for minority students, but the socioeconomic boundaries are crossed and crushed….even if just temporarily.  Orfield is smart to point out that Kozol shouldn’t try to take on
New York at once, that he should start smaller and work his way up.

In chapter 9, Kozol (or rather Orfield) finally offers some hope and a possible solution to the severe segregation in U.S. schools. Most of the results that Orfield offers from inter- and intra-system bussing are very different from those Kozol offered earlier in the book. I suppose that could go along the lines of what Orfield offers at the end of the chapter, “If you start with the hardest cases in the country, you’re not going to come up with the right answers”. Although to counter this, while the case in Milwaukee was not as severe as New York, it is not exactly a minor problem there, nor is it a small city, but there has been extreme success there. Not only does Milwaukee participate in transfers from more segregated schools to suburban schools, they have successfully created magnet programs in the more segregated areas. Two of my cousins were bussed a quite a distance to attend a magnet program for the arts in such a school. I think if the federal and local government could come up with more money for such programs, they could prove rather successful, based on Orfield’s experience. It is a shame that there are so many people who want to participate in these programs but can’t due to lack of funds. I think it is very sad that rather that increasing funds for an educational program that has proven to be successful, funds are being cut, thus discouraging these programs to continue; there is only so much that can be done at the local level without outside funds.

Kozol begins chapter eight by discussing the program Higher Horizons, started in 1959 serving 60,000 New York City children.  The program originally spent $50 more per students then children who were not involved in the program.  That $50 later turned into $27 until the program eventually was closed down.  “Seven years after it began, the program had been evaluated by independent researchers from New York University.  As the Civil Rights Commission noted, the researchers found no measurable improvement in the academic achievement of participating children and…could find no meaningful differences between those children who attended segregated schools that had this program and those in segregated schools that had not been a part of this experiment” (p.189).  Amazing how all of the money spent had little to no impact.  Kozol goes on to review other programs that originally may have had good intentions, but just as similar to Higher Horizons had a hard time living up to their promises and showed little to no improvements. Kozol also brings up the different presidents that had promised large impacts in education that were never capable of fulfilling them.  This did not surprise me.  Education seems to be a big campaigning issue, but I have never seen a president actually live up to all of their promises.  Kozol mentions presidents such as Johnson, Regan, and both of the Bushs.  No Child Left Behind (NCLB) is a program that all teachers can see is not as successfully as initially planned.

“Before we gave up on integration, we should have tried it” (p.216).  In chapter nine, Kozol finally talks about solutions.  The only problem is that he came up with the same solution that most people have….this is a battle that there is not just one solution.  That even Kozol, one of the leaders in our movement to a better education system, cannot come up with all concrete answers.  Kozol discusses conversations that he has had with education and some of the solutions that they have talked about.  It is difficult to know that no matter what we want for education, it is going to be a struggle for a very long time.  Kozol went to talk to Gary Orfield, who wrote many books on desegregation and resegregation.  Orfield said, “A political movement is a necessary answer…We cannot look to the courts to do it in the present age.  We cannot look to the two political parties, the Republicans and Democrats, to do it.  We need to reach out to a broader sector of the nation to initiate a struggle” (pp. 221-222).  Kozol discusses schools that have been successful in the desegregation, such as a school in the Chicago area.  The school had been successful and some of the students even said that before they may not have been motivated to go to college, but that now they want to.  These are the types of schools that we need to have, but it will talk time and for everyone to have the same goals.   

After spending the first eight chapters outlining the problems facing inner-city schools, Kozol now brings us to the obvious question, “What do we do about it?” And his stunning answer is, “I don’t know.”

There are small cries for revolution (“We need teachers marching in the streets”) and small examples of things gone right.
Chicago is moving some of their Section Eight families to smaller outlying towns, effectively desegregating those neighborhoods and schools.

Still, as Gary Orfield states, “The problem [is that] so many people who are caught up in these situations cannot step outside the box… Choice left to itself will increase stratification.”

Successful desegregated school systems, such as
Louisville, KY and
St. Louis, MO, are still in danger of being phased out by lawmakers and budget cuts.

There is no quick and easy fix to the segregation problem, which seems to get worse as time passes and more laws prohibitive to desegregation get passed. Kozol seems to be indicating that the only way to see a change is through a socio-political revolution. What he doesn’t offer is a way to start one nor does he give us any hope that, even if such a cultural coup were to take place, that the new boss wouldn’t be the same as the old boss.

If teachers are to be at the forefront of the revolution, someone is going to have to step up and light the fuse.

So where have all the educational reformers gone?  For that matter, where has educational reform gone? Kozol paints a grim picture of betrayal in this chapter, detailing program after program, alleged reformer after alleged reformer, who have left no long term effect on American education.

Consider the Higher Horizons program of the 1960’s, which started out paying $50 more per student than was spent on children not involved with that program. The press loved it. More instruction for the Three R’s! This will be great! Within the first year, that $50 became $27 per student and the praise shifted from the breadth and scope of the program to how little it was costing the taxpayers. By 1966, the program was discontinued.

Every Presidential administration has made promises to fix our inner-city schools and desegregate the student body. It hasn’t happened yet. Both Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush promised to lower the dropout rate from 30 percent to 10 percent. Bush was a one-termer, so over a span of twelve years, the dropout rate must have remained at 30 percent in order for them both to make that promise.

George W. Bush’s educational reforms are no better. His administration has actually managed to keep children out of the Head Start program, although he stated that Head Start would be the vehicle for teaching “all our children to read.”

Our current President, lying to the American public about his goals and aims?

Perish the thought.

In Chapter 9, Kozol refers to conversations he has had with teachers, principals, and school administrator about what needs to be done about the situation in schools.  One teacher stated, “We need our teachers marching in the streets” (215).  Kozol infers that what may be needed is a ‘revolution’ to fix the problems of education; “if it takes a new round of sit-ins to put the issue back on the national agenda, so be it” (216). 

Kozol shares thoughts of others in regards to their experiences of integration.  He points out that the time to start this is in elementary school, because then children can “simply be children with each other…it’s more difficult to conjure up ‘the other’ when your building sand castles together” (227).  Integrated education works, if given the chance to.  There will always be issues and arguments between students, but this is not due to race, but is rather part of normal kid interaction.  One solution to the problem of having segregated schools is integration of neighborhoods.  Part of the solution is that of showing those who receive Section Eight housing other places within their means to live.  This is one step in the right direction. 

There are many people who believe that integration of all schools is possible, and the best way for low-income students to succeed, “it is foolhardy to think black children can be taught, no matter how well, in isolation and then have the skills and confidence as adults to succeed in a white world where they have no experience” (229).  It is only appropriate that a student’s classroom reflect the make-up of the world.  Kozol states that several students he spoke to, who were bussed or part of the transfer program, enjoyed their schools and were inspired to go to college, whereas before, they may have not.  It is not surprising, that because this is working, that there are people who want it stopped.  It seems as though there are people who want and need to keep others down; this is sad. 

It is my hope that people who are opposed to more integrated schools will see the positive benefits that exist.  I can see that it will be my job as a teacher to make sure that this happens. 

In Chapter 8, Kozol discusses the program Higher Horizons.  He also talks about other programs sponsored by the government with the intent of improving schools.  Higher Horizons was a compensatory program that at first appeared to raise test scores and aspirations of low-income, minority students.  Kozol points to the discrepancies in the reported results and the actual results of this program.  He states that an evaluation of this program found “no meaningful differences between those children who attended segregated schools that had this program and those in segregated schools that had not been a part of this experiment” (189).  Kozol points to other schools with special programs that at first seem to show student improvement, but in reality, no significant improvement was seen. 

            In the latter part of the chapter, Kozol talks about goals different presidents have attempted to achieve.  He mentions Regan, George H., and George W. and their seemingly similar plans.  While several lofty goals were mentioned, “few substantial new resources were provided to the states and local districts to achieve these goals” (201).  This is the problem; we are seeing now how difficult the No Child Left Behind idea works without proper funding and the too high importance placed on test scores.  True teaching and true learning are about so much more than passing standardized tests.  Kozol points to the problem of funds being continuously lessened, while standards and performance expectations continue to rise. 

            One thing I found of interest was the way schools in
Houston, Texas reported their students’ scores. 
Houston schools apparently gave reports that were “overstated or outrightly false” (207).  It comes to no surprise, and Kozol does a wonderful job of making the connection, that supporters of
Houston schools had “close ties to the Bush administration” (208). 

            What I found most appalling was the section where Kozol quoted Lewis Terman, who said, “Indians, Mexicans, and Negroes…should be segregated in their classes and given concrete and practical instruction…they cannot master abstractions, but they can often be made efficient workers” (211-212).  Kozol also quotes a colleague of Terman, Thorndike, who said, “One sure service of the able and good is to beget and rear off-spring…almost the only one which the inferior and vicious can perform is to prevent their genes from survival” (212).  These two men held influential roles in their careers; it is sad to think of the many people they poisoned with this kind of thinking and the kind of impact they have had on education today.